Is Nangeli's Story Fictitious?

There is no mention about tax in the Hindu scriptures. But when I searched on the internet that if there is a mention about tax in other religions, I found a verse of Bible as shown below,
"Pay to all what is owed to them: taxes to whom taxes are owed, revenue to whom revenue is owed, respect to whom respect is owed, honour to whom honour is owed. (Romans 13:7)"
There are also other verses about tax in the Bible. Similarly, there is a mention about Jizya in Hadith. In the Hadith, Jizya is mentioned as a tax that should be collected from free non-Muslims, that is the people who don't worship Allah alone. Traditionally, there were four major forms of taxation levied in Muslim societies: Kharaj or land taxation, Jizya or head tax, Fai or levy on war booty and Zakat, a form of wealth tax. 

In the 19th century, India was under the British rule. Nangeli is believed to be one of the low caste women of this period who lived in Travancore. But Nangeli is a Nambudiri or Malayali Brahmin name, the meaning of which is not clear. In the Cochin Law Reports, one of the names I read was Smt.Nangeli Antharjanam. Antharjanam is the title used by Nambudiri or Malayali Brahmin women. Among the upper castes Brahmin was the highest. In those days, lower castes and upper castes had a different set of names. The names of upper castes were not found in lower castes and vice-versa.  According to Nangeli's story, the people of lower Hindu castes were not allowed to wear upper garments and they were forced to pay taxes for some of their body parts by the Hindu rulers. Breast tax was paid by women between the ages of 16 and 35 and head tax was paid by able-bodied men. The collectors of such taxes used to visit the houses of the people who were obliged to pay it. Once, when the tax collector went to Nangeli's house to collect the breast tax, Nangeli couldn't bear the insult of paying the tax of her body part anymore and instead of paying the tax she cut off her breasts and gave it to the tax collector and requested him to give her permission to cover the upper part of her body and died on the spot. 

Women in Buddhist Kerala

The Nangeli's story says that in ancient Kerala only women of lower castes were not allowed to cover the upper part of their body. This is a fallacy. The Rigveda is the oldest religious text in the world. Rigvedic people had three kinds of garments Uttariya (upper garment), Antariya (lower garment) and Nivi (under-garment). They wore cotton, woollen and silken clothes. Clothes of men and women did not differ much. Clothes were dyed madder or indigo or juice of Lodhra flowers. Clothes of the rich were embroidered with gold thread. Both men and women wore necklaces, earrings, bracelets and anklets. 
Though Kerala consisted of only Hindu kingdoms at the time of the Mahabharata, somehow it later became a Buddhist region. According to the rules of the sect or branch of Buddhism which was followed in Kerala, both men and women, of all castes, were not allowed to wear upper garments. Because those who wore upper garments were considered bad charactered. This same rule was followed in Sri Lanka too. To expel the Buddhist monks from Kerala, a ritual called Bharanippāttu was created. It was observed in the month of Meena on the day ruled by the star Bharani, according to Malayalam calendar. Those who observed the ritual on that day, used to travel to the Temple on foot and on the way they used to sing the songs which were full of abusive words. As the Buddhist monks couldn't bear this ritual, they left Kerala forever and slowly Kerala became a Hindu region again. 
Even though Buddhism ended in Kerala, most of the women in all castes accepted the old way of dressing in that period. It is said that loose-women of those days used to wear upper garments and that's why women of good families never preferred to wear the upper garments. People in those days also had a lot of superstitious beliefs. This tradition was followed for centuries. 

Education at the time of British rule

On March 1835, English was declared as the official language of India. Modern education was introduced in Malabar and Travancore by 1850s. A school in Malabar followed purely British syllabus. In upper castes, only boys were allowed to attend school. Those men who obtained the modern education got government jobs with good salaries. As a part of their job, they also got the opportunity to visit other parts of South Asia. Knowing about other places and learning the lifestyles of the inhabitants there might have made the upper caste Keralite Hindus to give up their superstitious beliefs. Perhaps this would be the reason for the change that happened in the way of dressing of women in that period. There were two types of blouses in that era. Jambar, a long blouse and Rowka, a short blouse. 
But, the people of lower castes used to work in the factories run by the British rulers. Because of which middle class families began to form in their caste. In 'Islamic Reform and Colonial Discourse on Modernity in India' written by Jose Abraham, it is stated that, "The British government never attempted to make education affordable to everyone. Since a large majority of people could not afford school fees, owing to the absence of free schooling, only a limited number of people individuals could pursue modern education in Malabar." But it is said that the people of the lower castes who had converted into Christianity were given a modern education in the schools run by Christian missionaries. The Gospel message that Protestant missionaries had preached to the lower castes and the education that they had imparted to them, attracted many to receive Christianity. 13,763 persons of the Malabar district, described as Mussulamans, and locally known as Nazranis, were classed amongst Roman Catholics. This set of Christians was found in Southern extremities of Malabar. The great bulk of them resided in the States Cochin and Travancore. 
It took a long time for the financial status of the lower castes to become equal to that of the upper caste. In the previous blog, there is a detail of 'Native life of Travancore,' written by Samuel Mateer in 1883, that the Roman Catholic fisherwomen, instead of jackets, used to tie a long a cloth across the chest. So, the way of dressing was according to family income in every community and there were not separate rules on the way of dressing for each Hindu caste in Kerala. 
In '“A” Journey from Madras Through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar' written by Francis Hamilton, it is stated that, "In Hyder's time there was a great exportation of cloth to Calicut: but the troubles in Malabar have put an end to this branch of commerce. The accompanying price current of the different kinds of cloth made in Bangalore is only applicable to those made for common sale. Persons who wish for particularly fine goods may, by commissioning them, have them made at four times the highest price or at any intermediate value." 

Taxes of British Kenya 

According to Nangeli's story the head tax and breast tax were used to be collected by the Hindu rulers. 'Comparative Religion' written by Jacob Kattackal is available in snippet preview in Google books. In that book, I found a sentence as follows, "Then a special proclamation from the British Resident exempted the Christians from giving the 'head tax and breast tax'." This proves that the taxes of the body parts were not managed by the Hindu rulers and it was not them who imposed it on the poor people of Malabar and Travancore. 
When Kenya was under the British rule, there were two types of taxes. The poll tax, which amounted to 12 shillings per year and breast tax (Igooti Ria Nyondo) another twelve shillings per year. Every man had to pay breast tax for each grown up girl in his family and poll tax on each of his wives. 
In 1900s, the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher attempted to introduce Head tax in Great Britain. A Head tax is fixed payment (say $ 2000 per year) that consumers have to pay as long as they have a head. It is not easy for someone to change the fact that he or she has a head, and so the tax cannot be avoided by changes in behaviour and thus it was truly a lump sum tax without substitution effects. 

Nangeli's story seems to be fictitious. Nangeli is mentioned as a low caste woman, but her name is a Brahmin name, in those days the way of dressing of all Hindu castes was almost same and the taxes of British Kenya. These facts make it difficult to believe that Nangeli's story is true. 



Reference: The Journey of Survivors: 70,000-Year History of Indian Sub-Continent by Subhrashis Adhikari, Social and physical anthropologies of Nayadis of Malabar, Microeconomics: An Intuitive Approach by Thomas Nechyba, Impossible Picturesqueness: Edward Lear's Indian Watercolours, 1873-1875 by Vidya Dehejia, Edward Lear, Allen Staley, The Spirituality of Basic Ecclesial Communities in the Socio-religious Context of Trivandrum/Kerala, India by Selvister Ponnumuthan, The Missionary Herald: Containing Intelligence, at Large, of the Proceedings and Operations of the Baptist Missionary Society by G. Wightman, 1873, History of Resistance in Kenya by Maina WA Kinyatti, A Companion to Muslim Ethics by Amyn Sajoo, Wings Of Rhapsody by Seema K Jayaraman, Swami Vivekananda: A Contemporary Reader edited by Makarand R. Paranjape, Land and people of Indian states and union territories : (in 36 volumes). 14. Kerala edited by S. C. Bhatt and Gopal K. Bhargava, UGC NET/JRF/SET/ History (Paper II and III) by Vinay Gupta. 

The Unknown Version of Channar Revolt

Channar or Shanar is a sub-division of the Tamil Nadar community. Their traditional occupation was toddy-tapping. The Nadar community is mostly found in the southern parts of Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Channar revolt was organised by Christian Channar women to get the right to wear upper cloth or Melmundu. That's why it is also known as Upper cloth revolt and Melmundu Samaram. Melmundu is a traditional white cotton shawl of Kerala. 

In the recent version of Channar revolt the name Melmundu Samaram is changed to Marumarakkal Samaram. This new version says that the high-caste Hindus of ancient Kerala were extremely cruel and they never allowed the people of lower caste to wear upper garments. This is why some people believe that the Channar revolt was organised by the Christian Channar women to get the right to cover the upper part of their body. It was not so. In those days, the traditional dress of Christian women in Kerala (Malabar and Travancore) was long blouse and Mundu. This revolt was organised to bring the right to wear Melmundu or shawl by Christian Channar women. I am writing this blog only to clear some misconceptions about this incident, not to hurt any community. All the information about Channar revolt were taken from the books which I used for reference. 
When I was searching about the Channar revolt on the internet, I found a book "Liberation of the Oppressed: a Continous Struggle" written by Kumari Thanthai Shri.Marshall A. Nesamony. In this book there is a section with title "ATTACK BY VELLALAS (1859)" which gives details of the order of T.Pycroft. A part of it is as follows, 
"Order of T.Pycroft, chief secretary of government 
dated 27th January 1859
2.The Resident of Travancore reports distributed state of feeling prevalent in the 3 or 4 southern districts of the Sircar territory between portions of Shudra and Shanar populations. The excitement appears to have arisen from Hindu Shanar women having lately assumed the right of covering the upper part of their portions with a cloth which is objected by Shudras as preventing a recognition of caste.
3.Disturbances from the cause broke out in the year 1829, on which occasion Her Highness the Rani of Travancore, in her proclamation of third February 1829 republished "as the only regulation in force in the matter". A pervious circular order of 7th Edavam in the year 989 (1814) whereby "No women Paravers, Shanars and others of that description were ever to be allowed wear clothes on the chest as the Nair women; But was not prevented from wearing jacket, called Coopayam, such as were in use by women of Christian converts and of some other castes.
4.From General Cullen's second letter is seems that several small schools, and chapels have been burnt by incendiaries, whom it has not been possible to trace. These outrages are supposed to have been perpetrated by the Shudras under the idea that the HINDU SHANARS HAVE THE SUPPORT AND SYMPATHY OF THE CHRISTIAN CONVERTS FROM THAT CASTE: in their efforts to obtain the previlige of wearing the upper cloth. A small thatched bungalow occasionally occupied by the Resident at Nagarkovil was burnt on the tenth instant and on the 14th a small village inhabited by the Shanars in the Thovalah was fired by a party of Vellalars in day light, but several of the perpetrators of this later outrage have been apprehended. The Government Trust that they will be severely punished.
5.The Right Honourable, the Governor of the council hopes that the present excitement will soon allayed, and order restored. The resident will be careful to give no countenance to the idea that the British Government of which he is the representative, recognised any exclusive distinctions, or the right of set of men to prevent other from following all the matters of social and domestic life, such course as they may see fit - provided it be not repugnant to public decency and morals. It will be his duty to impress these views on His Highness the Rajah and to point out to him such prohibition and those contained in the circular order of May 1814, or in the proclamation of 3rd February 1829 are unsuited to the present age, and unworth of an enlightened prince and that he is not to look for the support of British Government in any attempts to maintain them, as respects any class of his subjects.
                                                                                                       T.Pycroft, Chief Secretary" 
So, from the above data, it is clear that women in those days were allowed to wear Coopayam. In ancient Kerala, Coopayam or Kuppāyam (കുപ്പായം, कुप्पायम्) was the name of a long blouse which women used to wear with Mundu. Kuppāyam was also called Jambar in Malayalam. Another thing I noted is that Shudra and Nair are mentioned separately. In 'The Cyclopaedia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia, Volume 2' written by Edward Balfour it is stated that, "Amongst the Shudra castes in Travancore are the Vellalar, the Mudali, and the Pāndi Shudra." The Pāndi Shudras of Kottar shifted their caste and became Pānans. In a document of 1848 by J.Mullens, there is a mention about a community called Shudra Christians. I don't know much about Shudra Christians. I have never heard about such a community before. 

The revolt and getting permission  

A circular order was issued in Travancore in May 1814, 44 years before the Channar revolt, permitting female converts of all lower classes to use blouse as was worn by Syrian Christian women and Muslim Mappila women. In 'The Origin and History of Missions' written by Thomas Smith and John Overton Choules in 1831, there is a description about Travancore in which a detail about the religion of Travancore is given as, "The Hindu law is the basis of the procedure; but owing to the number of Christians and Muslims, it will not universally apply." That is, non-Hindus were not forced to follow Hindu rules. From Tranvancore law reports of 1808, I came to know that law courts were there in those days too. 
Missionaries of LMS, in a petition addressed to the King of Travancore in March 1859, argued that the upper cloth was not introduced by Christian Corners, but had long been in use among the hundreds of Hindu toddy-tapping families who migrated between Thirunelveli and Travancore with the seasonal flow of sap from palmyra trees. In addition, they noted that women of wealthy Hindu Nadar families also wore upper cloth, giving further evidence that it was regarded as a mark of status. According to LMS missionaries, the practice had been spreading among toddy-tapper families for some time without resistance. But, as the missionaries along with other observers at that time noted, in 1858, after several events made some local elites feel that their traditional privileges were under assault, controversy over the upper cloth resurfaced. 
Encouraged by Christian missionaries, the Christian Channar women showed remarkable courage resisting social restrictions imposed on them by the customs of antiquated society. The government authorities could not stop fighting the Christian Channars for their social emancipation and the tension continued and reached its climax in 1858 when violence took place in many parts of Neyyattinkara, Neyyor and Kottar.
200 Shudras and Vellalas of Talagoody led by Vythialingam Pillay, Neelam Pillay, Tengara Pillay, Mathavan Pillay and Seeneya Pillai of Maramat Department at various times entered the houses of poor Christians, thereby day and night with clubs and knives and misbehaved with the women, laid plans for the immediate destruction of Catechist and schoolmaster of the place with threats of setting their houses and Chapel on fire. Consequently the Chapel was closed, the Catechist and the school master fled, and the village was wholly deserted by the Christians.  
In the end, disturbances were ended when the Nair brigade was sent in to restore peace by the king. And on 26th July 1859, the king issued proclamation granting Christian Channar women the right to wear Melmundu or shawl. 

After the revolt

Gradually both Christian and non-Christian Channar ladies began to wear Melmundu in addition to Kuppayam. The upper cloth revolt by the Channar women brought a new incentive for the Nadars to join Christianity destroying their own Hindu Temples.The success of the upper cloth revolt supported by the missionaries was a great incentive for the orthodox Hindu Nadars, and their children began to attend the schools run by the missionaries. But there was no social integration of Christian Nadars with Pulayas and Parayas. There was a strong opposition from Christian Nadars in giving permission to the Pulaya converts to enter their churches. The suppression and lack of integration within the mission caused many Christian Pulayas and Christian Parayas to join the salvation army. 
The old versions of Channar revolt which are based on its record are different from the latest version. For example, in 'Women and media: challenging feminist discourse' written by Kiran Prasad in the year 2005, it is stated that "This defiance of the dress code by the lower caste Channar women infuriated the Nair and Nambudiri men and they attacked the women mercilessly." Whereas the old versions it is given that it was some Shudras (of Travancore) and Vellalars who misbehaved with Channar women. The latest version also states that the women of financially backward Malayali castes used to remain bare chested in those days, some of them got converted to Christianity, they too took part in the Channar revolt and were brutally attacked. But I didn't find such a detail in the old versions. In 'Native life in Travancore' written by Samuel Mateer in 1883, that is 25 years after the Channar revolt, it is stated, in page number 200, that "the Roman Catholic fisherwomen, instead of jackets, used to tie a long a cloth across the chest. Poor people got only one set of clothes in the year, those of moderate means two sets, and wealthy three or four in the year." Perhaps, after the revolt, some non-Hindu women didn't wear jackets because they were not able to pay the sewing costs. 

Kallu Māla Samaram

The Kallu Māla Samaram or Stone Necklace Agitation was a movement of lower caste Pulaya women in the year 1915 in Kollam district of Kerala where they asserted right to choose to wear or not wear certain ornaments. It is said that, in those days Pulaya women were not allowed to wear gold and other precious metals. But in the Census reports of 1961 it is stated that, "The Mala Arayans largely use ornaments made of gold and silver. But the Uralis, like the Hill Pulayas of Champakad are seen using ornaments made mostly of beads, shells and brass, as it is not possible for them to purchase ornaments of gold and silver." 'The Hill Arrians of Travancore, and the Progress of Christianity Among Them' written by Rev.Henry Baker Jun. in 1862, gives evidence that the Mala Arayans of those days used gold ornaments and brass cooking vessels and also it is not stated in the book that the upper-caste Hindus had denied the Mala Arayans to use expensive things. 



Reference: Converting Women: Gender and Protestant Christianity in Colonial South India
by Eliza F. Kent, Associate Professor of Religion Eliza F Kent, The Spirituality of Basic Ecclesial Communities in the Socio-religious Context of Trivandrum/Kerala, India by Selvister Ponnumuthan, Liberation of the Oppessed a Continuos Struggle, Sociology of Religion in India edited by Rowena Robinson, Liberation of the Oppressed a Continuous Struggle bu Kumari Thanthai Marshall A.Nesamony, Applied anthropology and challenges of development in India by P.R.G. Mathur, The Cyclopædia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia: Commercial, Industrial and Scientific, Products of the Mineral, Vegetable, and Animal Kingdoms, Useful Arts and Manufactures, Volume 2 by Edward Balfour, Proceedings - Indian History Congress, Volume 65,   The Origin and History of Missions: Containing Faithful Accounts of the Voyages, Travels, Labors and Successes of the Various Missionaries who Have Been Sent Forth to Evangelize the Heathen : Compiled from Authentic Documents, Forming a Complete Missionary Repository by Thomas Smith and John Overton Choules. 

Non-Nāgavanshi Nairs

In Kerala, every community has it's own particularity. The special rituals of each Hindu community is undoubtedly interesting. It is not clear when the caste hierarchy began in Kerala but after independence it soon got vanished. Before independence, people of two different castes never used to inter-dine and inter-marry. But after independence, everything changed except the marriage rules. Inter-caste marriages and inter-religious marriages though occur in the society but are very rare because most of the people prefer to marry from their own caste to preserve their rituals and traditions. Today, I am going to tell you about other castes of Nair community which became the part of the community mainly because of a misconception that families with same surname belong to same community. 
In Hindu community, none of the castes were treated as slaves. Slavery never existed in South Asia before foreign invasion. The profession of every caste was respected and also they were given a satisfactory salary for their work. Apart from that, some castes were also given rice and fruits for free in the festival times by the kings and the local rulers. Men of some non-Nair castes were also taught martial arts. When there was a shortage of Nairs in the army, the kings allowed those non-Nair men who were trained in martial arts to join the army. 
Because the castes mentioned below described themselves as the sub-castes of Nair community, they were known as 'low caste Nairs' in the pre-independence era. There was also hierarchy between these castes. Actually, these castes were different communities with distinctive characteristics. 

Paḷḷichān 

Pallichan, presently known as Pallichan Nair, is a caste found in Malabar and Cochin. In ancient times, they were Palanquin bearers for Brahmins and the rulers. They are similar to Kadupattan caste. The members of Kadupattan caste were mostly palanquin-bearers, and carriers of salt, oil etc. Ezhuthachan and Panikkar are the main titles of Kadupattan caste. It is said that some members of Kadupattan caste also worked as teachers. In ancient times, the school was called Pallikudam in Kerala. I think those Kadupattans who worked as teachers were given the title Pallichan. Pallichans and Maniyanis, are Theyyam worshippers, and they have their own shrines for their Theyyams.  

Chakkāla Mārān 

Chakkala Maran, presently known as Chakkala Nair, were the pressers of oil for use in Temples. Their title was Pulva. In Travancore, they are called Chakkalans and in Malabar they are called Vattakādans. In the Census report of 1921, it is stated that, "The Chakkalans who have been agitating for being treated as Nairs, may have taken the opportunity of the Census to satisfy their wish."  In the Census report of 1931 their caste name is written as Chakkala Maran. 

Asthikurichi Mārān 

Asthikurichi Maran, also known as Sheethikan, were the priests or instructors of funeral rituals performed by Nairs. Like Pulikkal caste they too are a sub-division of Mārān community. I don't know if Mārān community and Mārār community are same or not. 

Chāliyan 

Chaliyan, also known as Shaliya, was a caste of merchants. They are migrants from Karnataka and in Kerala they are mostly found in northern Malabar. In Karnataka, they are also known as Nayige. 

Maṇiyāni

Like Chaliyan, Maniyani are also migrants from Karnataka. In Karnataka, they are known as Maniyani Yadav. They belong to the Kolari caste of Dakshina Kannada. They were brought to Kerala by the British Military during the period of East India company to supply milk to their regiment. Some members of this caste use the title Nayudu. 

Vāṇiya

Vaniya, also known as Vaniyan, Vanika, Ayiravar, Nagarathar, is a division of Chettis. Their traditional occupation was oil-pressing. In the recent Census reports their caste name is written as Vaniya Nair and Vaniya Chettiar. Their caste deity is Sree Muppidatiamman whose Temple is in Kottar market, Nagarkovil, Tamil Nadu. 

Paḍamangalam and Tamil Paḍam 

Padamangalam and Tamil Padam are the migrants from Tamil country. Tamil Padam or Padamangalam, formed the Devadasis in the Sree Padmanabhaswamy temple at Thiruvananthapuram. In Tamil Nadu, the Devadasis did not belong to a single caste but were drawn from diverse groups like the Melakkarar, Nayanakkarar, Nattuvanar and the Sengunthar. In the early twentieth century these caste groups assumed the name Isai Vellalar which meant the cultivators of music. 

Nānjilnādu Veḷḷāla

Nanjilnadu Vellala is a caste found in Nanjilnadu. Nanjilnadu is a region in eastern part of Kanyakumari district. Some of the families of this caste accepted matrilineal system of inheritance and changed their caste name to Nanjilnadu Nair. I don't know if some members of this community still describe their caste as Nair but today Nanjilnadu Vellala is known as a different community.  

Viḷakkithala 

Vilkkithala, also known as Velakkithala and Velakkathara is a caste in which the male members used to work as barbers and female members used to work as mid-wives. In the old Census reports their caste name in written as Vilakkithalavan. It is simalar to the Nai(Naayee) community of northern India. This community is mainly found in southern Malabar and Travancore. In northern Malabar, the male members of Mārān or Mārāyan community worked as barbers. 
A proverb says that Mārāyan has four privileges :-
1) Pani, or drum, beaten with the hand.
2) Koni, or bier, i.e., making of the bier.
3) Natumittam, or shaving
4) Thirumittam, or sweeping the Temple courts. 

Veḷuthédathu 

Veluthedathu, also known as Veluthedon or Veluthedan, is a caste whose traditional occupation was washing clothes for Brahmans and rulers. The name is believed to signify a place where clothes are bleached. In Castes and Tribes of Southern India it is stated that, "A person who is in the condition of impurity is temporarily outcasted. This applies to Nambuthiris, Nairs as well as to Thiyans. Now the washerwoman is invariably of Thiyan caste. There are Mannans whose hereditary occupation is washing clothes for Nambuthiris and Nairs, but, for the most part, the washerwoman who washes for Nair lady is of the Thiyan caste." 

Ānthur

Anthur is a community in Kerala mostly found in Kozhikode(Calicut) and Kannur districts. Their name is derived from Andur, a place which was once a fief under the Samoothiri(Zamorin) of Kozhikode. Odan, Kulalan, Anthru Nair, Andra Nair, Mannu Nair, Velar etc are other names. Their traditional occupation was making earthen pots and tiles. It is not clear when they began using the title Nair. 

Chāranavar 

Charanavar, which is also called Charna Nair, is a caste mostly found in northern Malabar. The sub-divisions of this caste are Akathu Charnavar and Purathu Charnavar. The Purathu Charnavar were the armed retainers of the various chieftains while the Agathu Charnavar were the personal and domestic servants. In caste hierarchy, their position was above Pallichan. I don't know much about this caste but religious Nagavanshi Nair women do not marry from this caste too. The Illathu Nairs of southern Malabar are known as Malabari Shudra Nairs. 

From centuries, all castes did only their traditional occupations for living and because of that their financial statuses were unequal. But in the time of British rule, some Hindu spiritual leaders decided to make improvements in the Hindu community. They fought against the class-system which was introduced in India in the beginning of foreign invasion and encouraged the people of all castes to get modern education instead of getting trained in their traditional occupations only. Gradually, the number of white-collar workers began increasing in all castes. Every person who was not having any title was given title according to his profession. For example, 'Nair' to all those who worked as soldiers, 'Menon' to all those who worked as accountants, etc. From there began a misconception that families with same surname belong to same community because the castes which are neither Brahmin nor Nair had very little knowledge about the Nair community. 



Reference: Census of India, 1961 - Volume 7, A. M. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel. The Sacred in Popular Hinduism: An Empirical Study in Chirakkal, North Malabar. Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, Bangalore (1983), Urari S.Krishnamurthi Ayyar. Census of India (1921),  Kumar Suresh Singh, T. Madhava Menon; D. Tyagi. Kerala, Volume 1. Affiliated East-West Press [for] Anthropological Survey of India, 2002, Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari. Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol 5 - (M to P),  Kumar Suresh Singh. Communities, Segments, Synonyms, Surnames and Titles. Anthropological Survey of India, 1996, People of India, Volume 27, Part 1, Kumar Suresh Singh, Anthropological Survey of India, People of India, Volume 27, Part 3 by Kumar Suresh Singh, Cleansing Pavam By Damaris Lüthi, Seven Seas & Seven Mountains: Mirrors & gestures : conversations with women dancers by C. S. Lakshmi, Global Encyclopaedia of the South Indian Dalit's Ethnography, Volume 1 edited by Nagendra Kr Singh, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Volume 7 by Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari, Madras Studios: Narrative, Genre, and Ideology in Tamil Cinema by Swarnavel Eswaran Pillai 

Differences between Nāgavanshi Nairs and Ezhavas

Many people have a confusion on whether a southern Indian caste, with martial origin, is related to Nair. On Wikipedia, in an article about Ezhava, I read a sentence as follows, "It has been suggested that the Ezhavas may share a common heritage with the Nair caste." It is also written that numerous customs have been adopted by both the castes but they have not mentioned which customs. There is a common belief about Ezhavas that their ancestors were migrants from northern part of Sri Lanka which is also called Ezham. The prominent language in the northern part of Sri Lanka is Tamil and the dialect spoken there is called Ezham Tamil. The birth name of Sreenarayana Guru was Nanu. Nanu is also a Tamil name which means shy or modest. 
The caste system of the Sri Lankan Tamils resembles the system of Sinhalese, but individual Tamil castes differ from Sinhalese castes. The dominant Tamil castes, constituting well over 50 percent of the population, are the Vellala. Then are Karaiya, who traditional occupation was fishing, Chetti, a group of merchant castes and the rest are artisan castes and laboring castes including the Palla. Sri Lankan Tamils are also called "Ezhathu Tamizhar (ஈழத் தமிழர்)". 

Sub-divisions of Ezhava community

According to Census Report of 1901, the four Illams of Ezhava community are Muttillam, Madampi or Pallichal, Mayanatti and Chozhi.
The sub-divisions of Ezhava community are as follows, Kollakar or Channar Ezhava, Malayalam Ezhava, Pandi Ezhava, Nadi Ezhava, Pachili Ezhava, Puzhuckar Ezhava. The Channar Ezhava are mainly engaged coconut cultivation and agriculture. Malayalam Ezhava cliam they belong to Kerala from the very beginning. The Pandi Ezhava are said to have migrated from Tamil Nadu. The Nadi Ezhava are those who mainly engaged in palm toddy tapping. The Puzhuckar Ezhava were the menial servants of Malayalam Ezhava. Pachili Ezhava are those who were married to the fishermen. Of all these divisions, the Channar or Kollakar Ezhava claim a higher status while Pachili and Puzhuckar Ezhava are at the bottom of the hierarchy. 
There are no such sub-divisions and Illams in Nair community. In Nair community, The Naduvazhi chiefs, by whatever designation they were styled, whether Raja or Achan or Kaimal or merely Nair, belonged to one of the three classes, viz., Swaroopi, Prabhu and Madambi. That is, among Naduvāzhis, Madampi was the name of  classes and not titles. 

Religious art forms

Aivarkali, Mayilppili Tukkam, Makachuttu, Poorakkali, Theyyam and Villadichaampattu are the religious art forms of Ezhava community. None of them are practiced and performed by Nairs. Pallichans and Maniyanis, are Theyyam worshippers, and they have their own shrines for their Theyyams. 

Marriage and dowry

I don't know how were wedding rituals of the Ezhava community before the reformation. When I referred some books I got a few details about it. Among the Ezhavas of Palakkad, the bridegroom in olden times never accompanied the marriage party. In Ezhava marriages the bridegroom's sister would take the "Pudava" (dress), accompanied by the marriage party, to the bride. After the reformation, the practice and bride and bridegroom sitting face to face and getting married after exchanging garlands replaced the old custom of marriage by proxy among Ezhavas. 
None of the customs were and are followed in Nair community. On the wedding day, the Pudava is given directly by the groom to the bride. Even today, in the weddings of Nair community the ritual of giving Pudava is followed as it is. 
Dowry seems to be very important in Ezhava community. In Children's Lifeworlds: Gender, Welfare, and Labour in the Developing World by Olga Nieuwenhuys it is stated that, "An Ezhava girl, for instance, have the option of either saving for a dowry from her (nominal) wages or meeting educational expenses if she is sufficiently bright in studies. The ideal of self-reliance has its impact on the amount of dowry an Ezhava girl is expected to bring, that tends to be comparatively low. Most of it is raised by the bride herself and with the help of the credit revolving among neighbours and relatives." Usually the dowry is paid at the engagement ceremony, but some pay it on the wedding day. 
In Nair community, dowry is not important and most of the families do not ask dowry from the bride's family. Women are not forced to get a job and earn money for the dowry. 

Divorce 

An account of the customary practice of divorce among the Ezhavas in ancient times revealed that if either party wanted a divorce, relatives and village elders were informed. If a compromise was not effected, the husband had to pay the wife 'Azhivu' (a "compensation for damage to the youthfulness and health of the woman"), 'Chelavu' (cost of marriage) and 'Ozhivu Pudava' (the 'release' cloth which the husband presented to his wife to mark the end of the relationship). Another form of divorce was that effected through mutual consent, through the "wish of the husband supported by the decisions of the caste assembly" and wife receiving a share of her husband's property or 101 fanams or a deed for 101 fanams by the husband.
After the reformation, divorce was permitted to both the genders in Ezhava/Thiyya community. It can be by mutual consent or on any reasonable grounds at the will of any of the partners. If it is the interest of a single partner, then the elderly members of the community in the locality after hearing the appellant and respond, give their verdict. Accordingly, the compensation and other matters are fixed. Among the patrilineal group the responsibility of children lies on father and among the matrilineal group lies on the mother after the divorce. However, nowadays, it is mainly dealt by the SNDP Yogam leaders and sometimes by the court of law. Widow/widower and divorcee(male/female) are permitted to remarry. Sororate and levirate are not a custom a, but also are not objected. 
In Nair community, from ancient times, both men and women were allowed to terminate their marriage if they had problems with it. The women were not able to terminate the union except with their Karanavan's and kinsmen's consent. After the Nair act of 1925 was passed, the divorces began to be settled in court. Paying of the Azhivu, Chelavu and Ozhivu Pudava was not there in Nair community. Sororate and levirate are considered shameful in Nair community. 

Gender determination

In Poinson Damsels by Penzer it is stated about Ezhava community that, "Among the ceremonies is that which determines the gender of the unborn child. The priestess pours a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf, and, from the manner in which it flows down, the gender is determined." There is no such ritual in Nair community. 

From the above details it is clear that Nair community and Ezhava community are not related to each other. I don't know about the martial connection of Ezhava community. But there are many martial communities in India and all of them have different ancestries. The Bunt community of Tulu Nadu was once said to be related to the Nair community. But most of its rituals are different from the rituals of Nair community. For example, the serpent worshipping of Nair community is entirely different from the serpent worshipping of the Bunt commnuity. Chekavar or Chovvan is another martial community of Kerala but that too is not related to Nair community. 



Reference: Sri Lanka: Current Issues and Historical Background by Walter Nubin, The Sacred in Popular Hinduism: An Empirical Study in Chirakkal, North Malabar by A. M. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel,  Kerala: yesterday, today and tomorrow. National Book Agency by E. M. S. Namboodiripad, Global Encyclopaedia of the South Indian Dalit's Ethnography, Volume 1 edited by Nagendra Kr Singh, Applied anthropology and challenges of development in India by P. R. G. Mathur, Slow Flows the Pampa: Socio-economic Changes in a Kuttanad Village in Kerala by K. E. Verghese, Politics, Women and Well-Being: How Kerala became 'a Model' by Robin Jeffrey. 

Nair Pillai and Shaiva Vellala Pillai: same surname, different castes

A few days ago, I saw an answer on a question-and-answer website, in which it was written that "In Kerala, Shaiva Vellala belong to Nair community." The Shaiva Vellala Pillai is a caste mostly found in Travancore. Though a caste of Vellalar community, they are mistaken as the Nair due to some misconceptions. According to the census report of 1901, the castes that use the surname Pillai are Nair, Agamudaiyan, Ambalakaran, Golla, Idaiyan, Nokkan, Panisavan, Panikkan(Kaniyar), Paraya, Saiyakkaranan, Sembadavan and Senaikkudaiyans. Pillai was also the title of male offsprings of Devadāsis. According to Edgar Thurston, many Paraya butlers serving Europeans assumed the title Pillai as a suffix to their names. If more than caste use same surname that doesn't mean that they have common ancestry. Surnames or titles were given according to profession, not according to castes. 

The Thondai Mandalam Shaiva Vellala are also known as Shaiva Vellala, Nayanar, Pillaimar, Vellala or Shaiva Vellalar. They use the titles Pillaimar, Nayanar, Mudaliyar, Udayar. They speak Tamil and are distributed in all districts of Tamil Nadu and Travancore region of Kerala. The Nāgas are mentioned in Tamil scriptures as Nāka and because of that there is a misconception that Nāgas were Tamils. In Manimekkalai, it is stated that the "speech of Nāgas was not Tamil but it was possible for a Tamil man to master it." The Vellalar were also called Gangakula or Gangavamsa, because they derived their descent from the great and powerful tribe named Gangavida, which inhabited in the valley of Ganges. 

Shaiva Vellalas are strictly vegetarians whereas Kiriyathil and Illathu Nairs are non-vegetarians. There is another misconception that all forward castes are vegetarians and vegetarians are seen as superior than non-vegetarians. This is purely a stupid belief. In forward castes, there are non-vegetarians too. For example, the Rajputs are non-vegetarians. In the Navaratri Pujas, they offer mutton to Goddess Durga. Similarly Bengali Brahmins, Assamese Brahmins and Kashmiri Pandits non-vegetarians. But at the same time, in Gujarat, 90% of Hindus irrespective of caste are vegetarians. 

Thondai Mandala Mudaliyar

In 'People of India - Tamil Nadu' I found a caste that is very similar to Shaiva Vellala. They are Thondaimandala Mudaliyar. They are also known as Thondaimandala Vellalar. They are a sub-caste of Vellalar community. They are originally from Thondaimandalam or the Pallava country, the present Chengai-MGR and North Arcot Ambedkar Districts. 
Territorially, Thondaimandalam is subdivided into Thuluva, who are believed to have come from Tulu country, the Poonamalee (or Pundamalli) Vellalar, so called from the town of that name near Madras, and the Kondakattis (those who do not cut their hair and tie it in a knot). All sections of Thondaimandalam Vellalar are subdivided into 24 Kottams and 79 Nadus. 
According to a legend a king once came to hunt in these wilds and in a place in the vicinity of the town of Kanchipuram in the kingdom of Arcot, he met a Nāgakanya. He fell in love with her. He promised her if she bore him a son, that son would succeed him as king. Years went by. The king returned to the kingdom and abdicated his throne in favour of his eldest son. When the son of the Nāgakanya was 14, he set out to meet his father, wearing a fruit of the Adhonda tree around his neck. Although his father recognised him at first, when the son recalled his promise to his mother and cited the Adhonda tree fruit as the witness, the king identified him and accepted him as son, the younger requested the king to give him an army with which he would conquer the kingdom for himself. This the king did, and the young prince subdued the Kurubavar who lived in Krishna and Kaveri. As the shepherds knew nothing of cultivation, the young king, now called Adhonda Chakra, returned to his father's kingdom and brought back from there as many Vellalar as who chose to migrate with him. The young Raja held out great encouragement, and a number of adventurers of that caste accompained him back. He gave them large grants of waste land and they established 1024 forts, 81 districts, and 1900 villages. This country was formerly called Dandaka Aranya. Adhonda chakra renamed it to Dhanda Mandalam or country of tree Dhonda, which bore testimony of his descent. The emigrants of the Vellalavaru are now called the Thondaimandalam Vellalar. 
The Thondaimandalam Mudaliars are pure vegetarians. Their staple food is rice. They use groundnut oil and gingelly oil for cooking. Whereas Nairs mostly use coconut oil for cooking. In the previously mentioned book, People of India -Tamil Nadu, it is stated that "both men and women of the Thondaimandal Mudaliar caste chew tobacco, betel and use snuff." Women of Kiriyathil and Illathu Nair castes don't use snuff. 
Gothrams like Tamilang and Kanimar are found among them. The function of the Gothrams is to regulate marriage alliances. Consanguineous marriages are permitted among the Thondai Mandala Mudaliar. They marry their father's sister's daughter, mother's brother's daughter or eldest sister's daughter. Sororate is permitted, but levirate is prohibited. Very few people know that in Nair community, sororate, levirate and avunculate marriages are prohibited. In cousin marriages, only cross-cousin marriages are allowed and the Tharavadu names husband and wife's maternal grandmothers, maternal grandfathers, paternal grandmothers and paternal grandfathers should not be same. 
At the time of first pregnancy, the Thondaimandala Mudaliyar observe pre-delivery rituals such as Valaikappu. Valaikappu is not one of the rituals of Nair community. Like all other Hindus, the Thondai Mandala Mudaliar cremate their dead. After the cremation, the sons of the deceased shave their head at the cremation ground. This ritual, that is, shaving the head after funeral rituals, is also not there in Nair community. 

Thondai Mandala Mudaliyar Christian

Those Thondai Mandala Mudaliyar who converted to Christianity are referred to as Thondai Mandala Mudaliyar Christian. Most of them are Roman Catholics and are said to have embraced Christianity during the period of St.Francis Xavier's evangelism in the southern part of Tamil Nadu. In those days, they were employed as custodians of Churches and some of them continue in the same employment at present. Their caste title is Mudaliyar.   

I hope it is clear that Shaiva Vellalas actually belong Vellalar community and are not at all related to Nairs. The Kiriyathil and Illathu Nairs are strictly religious. In the Report of Malabar Marriage commission, written in 1891, it is clearly given how strict these communities were especially in the case of marriage. There is nothing wrong in marrying from one's own caste, it is actually done to protect one's traditions. 

Reference: Historical Dictionary of the Tamils by Shri.Vijaya Ramaswamy, Jawaharlal Nehru University, History of Kerala: Written in the form of notes on Visscher's letters from Malabar by Shri.K. P. Padmanabha Menon, People of India - Tamil Nadu by Shri.K. S. Singh, Shri.R. Thirumalai and Shri.S. Manoharan.